Owen Smith ran the perfect campaign – to win in 2015

The greatest irony of Smith’s campaign is that he would have caused considerable unrest among MPs had he won an election in ordinary circumstances. Corbyn’s aim of dragging Labour debate to the left has been achieved

Enis Koylu
Friday 23 September 2016 05:15 EDT
Comments
He was brave to put his head above the parapet and trying to oust Corbyn was undoubtedly reasonable but Smith’s efforts were in vain
He was brave to put his head above the parapet and trying to oust Corbyn was undoubtedly reasonable but Smith’s efforts were in vain

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Owen Smith will lose to Jeremy Corbyn this weekend but he can rest assured that he ran the perfect campaign… to win the 2015 Labour leadership election.

Part of the 2010 intake, he would represent generational change and a departure from New Labour, unlike Yvette Cooper and Andy Burnham. He wants to take a lurch to the left, unlike Liz Kendall. Thanks to his youth, he could present a forward-thinking vision for the future, unlike Corbyn.

His programme of austerity-busting investment, his housing plans, his rhetoric about nationalisation, his emphasis on workers’ rights and his opposition to tuition fees all would have made him a darling to Labour’s members. It would, also, of course, make him far too far to the left to win a general election.

Owen Smith says he appeals to a 'broader cross section of the electorate'

The greatest irony of Smith’s campaign is that, despite his status as a “unity candidate”, he would have caused considerable unrest among his own MPs had he won an election in ordinary circumstances. Corbyn’s original aim of dragging Labour debate to the left has been achieved.

Instead, the absolutism that Corbyn has fostered among his terrifyingly loyal followers led to outright rejection of Smith. Rather than looking at his policies, members boo him at hustings, jump on his clumsy, sometimes boorish, comments and concoct wild conspiracies about privatisation fetishes.

He was brave to put his head above the parapet and trying to oust Corbyn was undoubtedly reasonable but his efforts were in vain. Just as Cooper and Burnham were too timid last summer in pursuit of second preferences, Smith is a general fighting the last battle.

Smith’s problems arise from his pitch that he is as “just as radical as Jeremy”. Corbyn’s operation is shambolic, disorganised and factional, and he did not fight as hard to remain in the EU as he has to remain in his job; for all of this, he deserves to be called out.

But his leadership style is not the only thing that disqualifies him from holding office; it’s the very essence of what he is. Corbyn is a throwback to a bygone era committed to refighting battles he waged against the Labour Party over 40 years. Legitimising his policies only legitimises his approach to politics – the chicanery, the demagoguery, identifying villains and demonising them.

It is patently clear that Corbyn’s Labour will not only lose a general election but would lose one badly. The longer he remains in post the higher the likelihood of this gets, meaning expediency in removing him remains necessary.

But how can the next Owen Smith do it? It is highly unlikely that Corbyn will realise his vanity project of a leadership is completely counterproductive and resign – Tory domination did not convince him to compromise with the electorate in the 1980s and it won’t now.

Short of hoping that trade unions follow the GMB’s lead and turn against him, the moderates’ only hope is to foster a sense of disillusionment among members. Corbyn will take care of part of this himself and a renewed mandate will not make him any more competent. But those who want a Labour government need to convince members that the politics of rallies, selfies and placards will not help remove the Tories from office.

Only establishing a broad base of support with a popular programme to win voters from other parties will do that.

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