Letter: Objectives of UN intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina
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Your support makes all the difference.Sir: You may consider referring to Alija Izetbegovic as the 'Bosnian Muslim leader' and not the 'Bosnian President' (report, July 10). Mr Izetbegovic can only really claim to speak on behalf of Bosnia's Muslims, who make up 44 per cent of the population. The majority of Bosnia's Serbs want no part of Mr Izetbegovic's Muslim- led state.
Most of Bosnia's Croats look to the Croatian President, Franjo Tudjman, (a former Communist turned ultra-nationalist) as their leader. The Croats represent 17 per cent of the republic's population. Many live in western Herzegovina, which for several months has been a de facto part of Croatia. It is the Croatian, not the Bosnian, flag that flies in western Herzegovina.
Recognition of Bosnian independence made a mockery of democratic principles, by ignoring the legitimate objections of Bosnia's Serbs. Most of Bosnia's one-
third minority Serbs boycotted the independence referendum in March. Bosnian independence violated the principle that major changes in multi-ethnic societies must be approved by consensus, and not by a simple majority vote. The EC offer of recognition to Bosnia-Herzegovina - a region that has never existed as a sovereign state - set the stage for a confrontation. Nationalists seized the opportunity to fan the flames of ethnic hatred between Bosnia's Croats, Muslims and Serbs.
According to the Badinter commission, Bosnia-Herzegovina did not meet the EC criteria for recognition. Recognition undermined the EC conference on Bosnia's future and ruined the fragile consensus reached in March by Bosnia's three ethnic groups.
A political solution to the Bosnian civil war will be reached only when the rights of all three ethnic groups are respected equally.
Yours faithfully,
GEORGE TINTOR
London, EC2
13 July
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