Leading Article: The means for mercy in Rwanda

Sunday 01 May 1994 18:02 EDT
Comments

Your support helps us to tell the story

From reproductive rights to climate change to Big Tech, The Independent is on the ground when the story is developing. Whether it's investigating the financials of Elon Musk's pro-Trump PAC or producing our latest documentary, 'The A Word', which shines a light on the American women fighting for reproductive rights, we know how important it is to parse out the facts from the messaging.

At such a critical moment in US history, we need reporters on the ground. Your donation allows us to keep sending journalists to speak to both sides of the story.

The Independent is trusted by Americans across the entire political spectrum. And unlike many other quality news outlets, we choose not to lock Americans out of our reporting and analysis with paywalls. We believe quality journalism should be available to everyone, paid for by those who can afford it.

Your support makes all the difference.

IT IS easy to be cynical about the suggestion canvassed by US officials that the international community should do no more than pay for neighbouring countries to protect civilians trying to escape from Rwanda across the border into Tanzania. Why, one might ask, is the West so prepared to sub- contract its moral obligations?

Having accepted the moral obligation to intervene in Bosnia, Western politicians who oppose intervention in Rwanda face the criticism that they value African lives less than those of Caucasians. Many Africans have been shocked by the UN Security Council decision to cut, rather than to increase, the size of its local contingent. The Belgian government's prompt withdrawal of its troops once its own citizens had been safely evacuated only compounded the sense of abandonment.

European and US diplomats have been quick to point out that ethnic and political conflict are inextricably tied in both Rwanda and Burundi. They are right to remember that the recent wave of killings is different only in scale from the massacres and countermassacres between Tutsis and Hutus that have plagued those two unhappy countries since independence. Yet although the tension goes back to the 15th century, when Tutsis became the Hutus' overlords, the Belgian colonists who ruthlessly exploited the tensions, supporting first one side and then the other, must take some responsibility for its current manifestation.

However dim the prospects of long-term peace between the warring tribes, the Security Council must not turn its face from the crisis. The Red Cross believes that the flood of refugees out of Rwanda is already the greatest exodus in its history. Even the most limited attempt to save lives must pursue four objectives: to open the border so that Rwandans who fear for their lives may escape; to provide food and water for those who have already left; to restore order inside Rwanda so that at least the casual violence of the militias can be curtailed; and to prevent the import from Belgrade, reported in yesterday's Independent on Sunday, of further weapons and ammunition into the country.

Washington and Brussels may well consider the situation too unstable, and the prospects of success too remote, to commit troops. But this can be no excuse for doing nothing. If Boutros Boutros-Ghali's demand for more troops is to be turned down, the Security Council must immediately put together money and supplies for neighbouring African countries to undertake this mission of mercy themselves. Only then can peaceful demobilisation of the militias be tackled.

Join our commenting forum

Join thought-provoking conversations, follow other Independent readers and see their replies

Comments

Thank you for registering

Please refresh the page or navigate to another page on the site to be automatically logged inPlease refresh your browser to be logged in