Shashank Joshi: Minorities are rightly fearful as Islamists step in to fill power vacuum

Shashank Joshi
Friday 20 July 2012 17:01 EDT
Comments

Your support helps us to tell the story

From reproductive rights to climate change to Big Tech, The Independent is on the ground when the story is developing. Whether it's investigating the financials of Elon Musk's pro-Trump PAC or producing our latest documentary, 'The A Word', which shines a light on the American women fighting for reproductive rights, we know how important it is to parse out the facts from the messaging.

At such a critical moment in US history, we need reporters on the ground. Your donation allows us to keep sending journalists to speak to both sides of the story.

The Independent is trusted by Americans across the entire political spectrum. And unlike many other quality news outlets, we choose not to lock Americans out of our reporting and analysis with paywalls. We believe quality journalism should be available to everyone, paid for by those who can afford it.

Your support makes all the difference.

Syria's regime is rapidly unravelling. In the same week as a bombing that killed four of President Assad's top security chiefs, rebels have seized control of the Syria-Iraq border and turned Damascus into a war zone.

Defections and assassinations have hollowed out the core of the regime. But Western states – having repeatedly demanded Assad's departure – are now worried about catastrophic success. If this week's bombing was a suicide operation then one concern is that battle-hardened jihadists are playing a greater role and could exploit the post-Assad chaos.

The Free Syrian Army insists it planted a remote-controlled bomb, which would suggest the bombing does not herald a campaign of attacks on ordinary civilians. But a group called the Brigade of Islam has also claimed responsibility, and hardline Islamists are undoubtedly active in Syria.

In January, a previously unknown group, al-Nusra Battlefront, claimed responsibility for bombs targeting security buildings. Al-Qa'ida's leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, has also called on Muslims in Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey to fight against Assad's "pernicious, cancerous regime". Al-Qa'ida has both the motive and opportunity to exploit Syria's fraught sectarian balance. In Iraq, Sunni fundamentalists attacked the majority Shia population and sparked off a civil war. In Syria, the danger is that revenge attacks on Assad's Alawite sect will prolong civil war.

The Syrian National Council has promised to resist such pressures. It affirms national unity and says it wants a "civil state", not a Sunni theocracy. The problem is these promises are rather flimsy.

The rebels' principal benefactor, Saudi Arabia, is hardly a model of sectarian harmony. Syria's Kurds don't trust the SNC because of its links to Turkey. And fearful Alawites will ask how the divided and weak SNC can hope to enforce these guarantees when it is estranged from the Free Syrian Army, the network of fighters on the ground.

This does not mean that a jihadist takeover is probable. Although Islamists dominate the opposition, outright jihadists are few. The latter may exact a terrible toll on minorities, but they cannot seize the levers of government. The greater problem is likely to be familiar from Libya: the presence of entrenched local militias, which challenge the authority of a weak central government.

Shashank Joshi is research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute

Join our commenting forum

Join thought-provoking conversations, follow other Independent readers and see their replies

Comments

Thank you for registering

Please refresh the page or navigate to another page on the site to be automatically logged inPlease refresh your browser to be logged in