David Trimble: Democracy, devolution – and decommissioning

In policy terms there were two areas especially which were problems [during the election] – policing and decommissioning.

On policing there is no doubt of the deep wells of bitterness over the treatment of the RUC. It is the symbolic issues that hurt. In recent meetings, we have made it clear that this community, this party, cannot take on any more water on this issue. Indeed, if anything, movement should be the other way.Above all, let us have an effective and efficient police force. And let nationalists remember that supporting such a police force is their duty.

On decommissioning, we all know what should happen, weapons should be made permanently unusable, permanently unavailable. We also know what parties are in default; it is the paramilitaries, loyalist and republican.

At our last party conference I reiterated our commitment to achieve both devolution and decommissioning. I made it clear that we would act if republicans failed to keep their promises. But I also made it clear that what we do and when we do it should be the result of careful, quiet consideration.

We knew that June 2001 was the crucial date. So, as part of this graduated response I gave them eight weeks warning of the next step. That will occur in a week's time now. If there is no action on decommissioning I will step down as First Minister.

Again, the response is graduated. My resignation will not automatically collapse the Assembly. It will give the parties time to save it from the consequences of Sinn Fein's failure. But I am ready; we are ready to follow through.

We do want decommissioning, we do want peace, we do want devolution, we do want accountable democracy. We are prepared to shoulder a considerable burden. But we can't carry it alone. We do have to remind Tony Blair of his promises. We do have to remind Seamus Mallon of his guarantee. Sooner or later, they will have to live up to their fine words.

Let me also restate my conviction that politically the situation is much more robust than many commentators realise. There is one overriding reason why our pressure will work. It is absolutely clear that people have bought into the Assembly and the administration. Look at the DUP manifesto. Again and again they talk of what they do at the Assembly and in government. Who can doubt that if we succeed on decommissioning they will rush to share in the fruits of our labour?

Nationalists too have bought into Stormont. I remember a revealing phrase from a republican. He was asking when the regional development strategy would be approved. It was needed, he said, to regulate the development of Northern Ireland over the next 25 years. So he was anxious to plan for Northern Ireland in 25 years time.

So too must we. We must realise that this is a continuing political struggle, that eternal vigilance, unceasing attention are but necessary conditions for assuring our future. To illustrate this, I said that with the Agreement the Union was secure. This was immediately true at the basic level that it enshrined the consent principle, that all parties acknowledged that principle, and that it was written into the constitutional law of Britain and the Republic of Ireland. But this statement continues to operate at two different levels.

First, by developing inclusive arrangements here we are encouraging nationalists to integrate themselves fully into the political life of Northern Ireland. We have a shared past. We know that living and working here together is better than being part of any available Irish state. So the presence of nationalists in Stormont making a success of Northern Ireland is not a concession to them, but a major gain for unionism

Secondly, we know that the Union also depends on the willing support of folk across the water. What we are doing has enhanced the standing of Ulster Unionism there.

So, however hot the kitchen gets, we will stick at it. Stick at it with increasing determination, increasing unity and increasing confidence in ourselves and our future.