Leaving the EU goes against everything the Tory Party stands for – they should be the ones opposing Brexit

In the1980s, when most of today’s active politicians were growing up, there was a party in the UK whose policies threatened the very fabric of our nation.

From its leaders came attacks on the treasury and the Bank of England and on the bastions of the British constitution like our independent judiciary and the House of Lords, blistering criticism of British business and especially its leaders, a desire to leave the restrictions of the EU, a preparedness to sacrifice the unions with Scotland and Northern Ireland, a willingness to slash budgets for the police and armed forces while raising taxes to fund other areas of government spending, and a tolerance of standing on platforms with leaders of extremist parties who excused the militarisation of Russia and who professed to admire its leadership.

That party was the far-left Labour Party of Michael Foot and Tony Benn. Today a party whose MPs claim to be heirs to Margaret Thatcher exhibits exactly the same features I have outlined above – the current Conservative Party.

How has it lost its way so badly? The answer lies in a single word – Brexit.

The party has sacrificed its policies, its pragmatism and its reputation for managerial competence all in pursuit of a single goal.

Given that sacrifice, we have to ask: is Brexit the right goal for Conservatives to pursue? Is it compatible with the traditional beliefs of the Tory Party?

The “Conservative and Unionist Party” has held a confusing array of ideas over time but there is a core set of beliefs which runs right through the party’s history for over two hundred years. They could be summarised as:

1. Keeping the country secure from foreign enemies.
2. Supporting the wealth creators in the country, in the firm belief that if wealth creators can succeed and generate jobs, there will be economic security for everyone.
3. Maintaining a sensible and balanced fiscal policy, combined with the lowest reasonable level of taxation.
4. Belief in preserving the unions with Scotland and (now Northern) Ireland.
5. Maintenance of the rule of law; and of law and order internally.

How does Brexit stack up against these benchmarks? Badly.

Brexit divides the west when we are coming under short-term challenge from the militarisation, spying and cyber-attacks of Putin’s Russia and the longer-term challenge posed by the rise of China and India. It reduces our influence in our own continent. Indeed, it betrays the one consistent foreign policy which Britain – and before that England – has always pursued, to ensure that no country or combination of countries could unite Europe against us. It was the reason why Elizabeth I fought the Armada; why Pitt stood up to Napoleon; why Churchill refused to turn his back on Europe; why we created Nato to stand up to the Soviets.

Will Brexit help Britain’s wealth creators? They don’t think so – every group of British citizens involved in the wealth creation chain opposes Brexit – teachers and academics, scientists, entrepreneurs, businesses large and small and financiers all overwhelmingly disagree that the UK should leave. They do so for good reasons. The EU is our largest market and will remain so as a result of geographical reality. The idea that the loss of trade with Europe can be replaced by the USA or China or India is a myth. Germany today, “locked” into the EU, sells twice as much to the USA, nearly three times as much to India and nearly five times as much to China as we do.

If we are behind, it is nothing to do with our EU membership. And outside the EU’s rule-making bodies, we will be a taker not a maker of regulations, regardless of whether Brexit is Hard or Soft, Canada or Norway. Thatcher created the Single Market for a reason.

With lower tax revenues resulting from a weaker economy, the government’s ability to fund the NHS, education, social services and our defences will be reduced not increased, while the loss of the European Arrest Warrant will mean that we can’t get criminals extradited from many EU countries and won’t be able to send them back there either.

Finally, Brexit threatens a return to the Troubles in Northern Ireland which, apart from the terrible human tragedy of 3,600 lives lost and many more injured, also cost about £1.5bn each year. Brexit may eventually lead to the secession of Scotland too.

In short, Brexit meets not a single one of the benchmarks of traditional Conservatism. It is based on the deluded idea that Europe is an option for Britain rather than a fact. It isn’t. We found out in the years leading up to 1914 and 1939 that turning our backs on Europe is a very bad idea because it isn’t going anywhere. Brexit is like divorcing your partner and then having to live in their spare room for the rest of eternity (and without the key to the front door).

As humiliation follows negotiating humiliation, let the Tory Party remember that U-turns are what kept it great for hundreds of years – on Catholic emancipation, parliamentary reform, the Corn Laws, Imperial Preference, appeasement and the Poll Tax. To save our country and return to our roots, it’s time for the Conservatives to exit Brexit.

Simon Allison is the author of Brexit – a Betrayal of Conservatism?