Much like Brazil, Pakistan's left has destroyed itself – and this is how

As the once unthinkable happens in Brazil and far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro takes the helm, one would think the self-combustion of its leftist parties would serve as a stark warning to counterparts across the globe. However, this seems to just be the continuation of a larger trend that saw Israel elect Netanyahu, India elect Modi and the US elect Trump.

In a similar vein, elections in Pakistan saw its leftist parties, once a formidable force, relegated to an afterthought as Imran Khan’s centre-right Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) surged in the polls.

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), the largest self-proclaimed progressive party in the country, saw its vote bank all but disappear nationwide, except for its provincial stronghold of Sindh, where it rules through the patronage of influential feudal families.

After decades of empty rhetoric, chronic mismanagement and perceptions of institutional corruption on a massive scale, supporters abandoned the party in droves, flocking to the PTI, which offered accountability and change. Only the most ardent of Bhutto loyalists remain supportive outside of Sindh.

Take for instance the nutrition crisis in Thar, where countless children died from preventable diseases, and levels of malnutrition were at times comparable with those in Chad or Niger. Under the PPP’s rule, the situation only deteriorated with time, with the local administration proving inept at providing food, water and aid. Not even extensive coverage in the national media could get the PPP to up its game, and all that people received were empty platitudes and no action. They did, however, announce that those villages would get free wifi, which was clearly a priority for residents without basic necessities.

For all its lofty progressive rhetoric, the PPP is a party built on the back of feudalism – akin to modern slavery. Feudal lords, or Waderas as they are known in Sindh, are notorious for flouting the rule of law and often consider themselves untouchable, as the state institutions turn a blind eye to their activities. Such is the perception among the general populace that a song parodying the excess of feudal culture called “Waderai Ka Baita” (“Son of Feudal”), by comedian Ali Gul Pir was an overnight success and turned him into a household name.

A clip of the chief justice of Pakistan, Mian Saqib Nisar, visiting the prison cell of Shahrukh Jatoi, a member of an influential feudal family, guilty of murdering a police officer’s son, expressing his anger at the favourable facilities illegally being provided to him went viral recently. The sight of Jatoi smirking while the chief justice lambasted the jail officials caused tremendous outrage in a country where there often seems to be no accountability for the rich and politically connected.

The news of VIP treatment being doled out to the convicted murderer in a Sindh jail did not come as a surprise. The fact that the son of an influential feudal family had been convicted was considered a feat in itself.

After murdering Shahzeb Khan in cold blood, Jatoi had been able to escape to Dubai and the lack of an exit stamp on his passport only lent credence to allegations in regard to the PPP’s role in aiding and abetting the criminal.

The victim’s family were seemingly abandoned by the state institutions and subjected to unbearable harassment and threats, forced to issue pardons to their son’s murderers. Under Pakistani law, out of court settlements with the families of victims were legal and often led to killers walking free. It was only after the Supreme Court’s interjection that justice was seemingly finally served.

For many, the grinning face of a privileged unrepentant murderer as he flashed a victory sign was the perfect encapsulation of PPP’s politics rooted in class divide, entitlement, and corruption.

The PPP also played a major role in furthering religious discrimination in the country. Pakistan’s Ahmadi community is one of the most persecuted religious minorities in the world. While all parties share the blame in pandering to extremist elements for political gain and enabling hate against Ahmadis, it was the PPP government that actually passed the second amendment that officially declared Ahmadis non-Muslims and effectively classified them as second-class citizens.

Unfortunately, it is not just class-based or religious discrimination the party has been guilty of enabling. The systemic discrimination against people from the Mohajir or Urdu-speaking community, those who had migrated from India to Pakistan, led to the rise of Mohajir nationalism in Urban Sindh and the formation of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM).

The MQM proclaims itself to be a secular and progressive party but has been marred by accusations of extortion and racketeering, and its militant wing has been accused of countless murders, including one in which 259 people were burnt alive in a factory fire because the owners refused to pay extortion money. For years they ruled Karachi with an iron fist, with journalists and news organisations refusing to name them out of fear of reprisals. The term “na maloom afraad” (unidentified people) became synonymous with MQM militants. This all changed after an extensive operation carried out by the Pakistan Rangers, a paramilitary law enforcement agency. Khan’s PTI swept several MQM strongholds in the 2018 election, something that would have been considered impossible just a few years ago and marked an end to MQM’s monopoly in Karachi.

In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, we have the Awami National Party (ANP), another secular and leftist party. In a case that rocked the country, party workers in their student wing, the Pakhtun Student’s Federation (PSF), were found guilty of lynching the student Mashal Khan after levelling false allegations of blasphemy against him. After under delivering during their tenure as the ruling party of the province and facing accusations of record levels of corruption, they too saw their vote bank dwindle as people turned to the PTI.

The marriage between many on the left and the PTI is only temporary. Despite social welfare being its main priority, the party’s views on gender and religious equality leave a lot to be desired. Prime Minister Khan’s appeasement of extremist elements in the country is also unpalatable to many.

The Pakistani left is crying out for representation but there are no credible contenders. Jibran Nasir, an independent candidate who won widespread acclaim for never backing down in his fight for Ahmadi rights, and to a lesser extent Ammar Rashid of the tiny Awami Workers Party, do show great promise but lack any significant political clout.

What this does illustrate though is that ideology alone is not enough unless it is followed up with meaningful action. Once credibility is eroded, people will vote for change even if it doesn’t completely mesh with their ideological beliefs. Leftist parties across the globe would do well to take note.