Saving Sarajevo: Nato agrees air strikes after UN forces deal: Political signal goes out to warring factions as citizens of Sarajevo wage a daily battle for normality in the besieged city

THE allied agreement yesterday to United States plans for air strikes in Bosnia was obtained only after guarantees on the involvement of United Nations forces in their implementation, according to alliance sources.

The deal struck by the North Atlantic Council in the early hours reflects a careful trade-off. The US wanted a significant shift in the use of air power, with Nato playing an active leading role. France and Britain were concerned by this extension of the West's role in hostilities and wanted limitations. The agreement released yesterday remains ambivalent in key areas, but its wording reflects a precise political balance.

The agreement was a clear warning to the Bosnian Serbs, said Stephen Oxman, US Assistant Secretary of State. 'If they do not cease their efforts to strangle Sarajevo, Nato will be prepared to use air power,' he said. The outcome is a triumph for the Americans. Nato was also delighted that the US had shown decisive leadership, while the alliance had been kept together.

The proposal is a decisive shift from earlier plans for the use of air power, which were tied to the protection of 'safe areas'. First, strikes - if they take place - will not be 'tit for tat'. It will not be required that they are directed against troops responsible for ceasefire violations or attacks on 'safe areas'. Instead, they could be against, for instance, ammunition dumps. Second, Nato forces will have the right to initiate air strikes. Though they will tie their attacks to assessments by the UN Protection Force (Unprofor), they do not need to wait for a green light from the UN in New York before proceeding.

The US had sharply resisted tying military efforts to 'micromanagement' by the UN. But there were also concessions by the US to propitiate its allies. France, Britain and other states with troops on the ground with Unprofor in Bosnia were concerned that their interests be protected.

A system for command and control is one of the main elements that must be clarified before next Monday's meeting of Nato diplomats, said the source. This will 'have to put Unprofor in Zagreb in the loop in a major way', he said. Details are being worked out by Nato military authorities. 'The Council has accordingly tasked the Nato military authorities urgently to draw up, in close co-

ordination with Unprofor, operational options for air strikes, including the appropriate command and control and decision-making arrangements for their implementation,' says the statement.

But the precise relationship between the UN and Nato in the operation is still slightly ambivalent, the alliance source said. Before a decision on the use of force can be reached, there will be consultation with the UN, and account will be taken of the results of the Geneva negotiations. No further UN resolution is needed.

The alliance source said authorisation for the action was linked to UN Security Council Resolution 770, which already permits 'all neccessary means' to protect humanitarian aid.

The second sensitive issue is how the US air strikes relate to the overall problem in former Yugoslavia, and in particular the Geneva negotiations. 'This is not an alternative strategy for dealing with the problems of Bosnia- Herzegovina,' said the source. 'It is to give Lord Owen and General Cot (overall UN commander in Bosnia and Croatia) an extra option which they can use to help bring about peace on the ground.'

The declaration reaffirms the alliance's 'support for the negotiations in Geneva to ensure a ceasefire and promote a fair and viable settlement acceptable to all parties in Bosnia- Herzegovina'.

The declaration also stresses 'the limited humanitarian purposes of the military measures envisaged'. This is to deflect the Bosnian Muslims from believing they can sit and wait for allied assistance to bail them out. It is also aimed at the Bosnian Croats. But the source said the primary emphasis was to persuade the Bosnian Serbs to leave Sarajevo alone. This is because 'it has taken on a symbolic value' but also because its survival is essential to any Bosnian republic that might result from the Geneva talks. There are no parallel plans to relieve the city, however.

The meeting was an all-time record by Nato standards, taking 12 hours. A deal had to pass stiff tests before it could be accepted by all 16 Nato partners. Only Iceland, according to one official, showed enthusiasm for air strikes at the beginning. It was passed back to national capitals twice - the first time to all 16, the second only to a few because some states were working to very precise negotiating mandates.

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