Aung San Suu Kyi's most difficult task is to unite all the Burmese peoples
If Burma is ever to prosper in peace, its races and tribes need to be stitched together – Ms Suu Kyi is the only hope
Your support helps us to tell the story
From reproductive rights to climate change to Big Tech, The Independent is on the ground when the story is developing. Whether it's investigating the financials of Elon Musk's pro-Trump PAC or producing our latest documentary, 'The A Word', which shines a light on the American women fighting for reproductive rights, we know how important it is to parse out the facts from the messaging.
At such a critical moment in US history, we need reporters on the ground. Your donation allows us to keep sending journalists to speak to both sides of the story.
The Independent is trusted by Americans across the entire political spectrum. And unlike many other quality news outlets, we choose not to lock Americans out of our reporting and analysis with paywalls. We believe quality journalism should be available to everyone, paid for by those who can afford it.
Your support makes all the difference.The brutal three-sided fight in Burma’s northern Shan State, involving two ethnic militias as well as the national army, the Tatmadaw, underlines the vast challenges confronting the National League for Democracy (NLD) government of Aung San Suu Kyi, that will take power at the beginning of April.
One of the main achievements of the outgoing government of President Thein Sein was the signing of a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) last October. But its impact was lessened by a nasty and well-resourced war that is still in progress between the Kokang, an ethnic Chinese minority in Shan State, and the Burmese army; and between the Kachin people and government forces further to the north. I’ve been told there were some 400 separate ethnic militias dotted around the country which were outside the remit of the NCA.
The Ta’ang, the principal victims in the present dispute, are one of the many dozens of ethnic minorities who have never settled their differences with the Burmese state. Related to the Mon, the earliest inhabitants of Burma, and the Khmer of Cambodia, they are Theravada Buddhists, but cherish their linguistic and cultural differences. And they were not signatories to the NCA – which may explain why serious hostilities have opened up between them and the Shan forces.
Senior figures from Ms Suu Kyi’s party endorsed the NCA and ethnic peace must be the new government’s top priority. Given its solid majority in parliament, the NLD government will want to chart its own course; working closely with the army will be abhorrent to a party that suffered so much at the military regime’s hands. But it has no alternative: the army continues to control all the relevant ministries: home, defence and border affairs.
The choices are stark: instant stalemate, or wary progress. If Burma is ever to prosper in peace, its races and tribes need to be stitched together, protecting and enhancing the rights of the minorities without sacrificing the integrity of the whole. Ms Suu Kyi, who obtained broad support from ethnic minorities and the majority population in November’s election, is the only person with a hope of succeeding in this epic task. She will need all the help, in expertise, encouragement and money, that the international community can give her.
‘The Lady and the Generals: Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s Struggle for Freedom’, by Peter Popham, is published by Rider
Join our commenting forum
Join thought-provoking conversations, follow other Independent readers and see their replies
Comments