China becomes wild card in Sri Lanka's debt crisis
China says its initiative to build ports and other infrastructure across Asia and Africa, paid for with Chinese loans, will boost trade
Your support helps us to tell the story
From reproductive rights to climate change to Big Tech, The Independent is on the ground when the story is developing. Whether it's investigating the financials of Elon Musk's pro-Trump PAC or producing our latest documentary, 'The A Word', which shines a light on the American women fighting for reproductive rights, we know how important it is to parse out the facts from the messaging.
At such a critical moment in US history, we need reporters on the ground. Your donation allows us to keep sending journalists to speak to both sides of the story.
The Independent is trusted by Americans across the entire political spectrum. And unlike many other quality news outlets, we choose not to lock Americans out of our reporting and analysis with paywalls. We believe quality journalism should be available to everyone, paid for by those who can afford it.
Your support makes all the difference.China says its initiative to build ports and other infrastructure across Asia and Africa, paid for with Chinese loans, will boost trade. But in a cautionary tale for borrowers, Sri Lanka's multibillion-dollar debt to Beijing threatens to hinder efforts to resolve a financial crisis so severe that the Indian Ocean nation cannot import food or gasoline.
Sri Lankaās struggle is extreme, but it reflects conditions across dozens of countries from South Pacific islands through some of the poorest in Asia and Africa that have signed onto Chinese President Xi Jinpingās Belt and Road Initiative. The total debt of poor countries is rising, raising risks others might run into trouble.
Sri Lanka's 22 million people are in dire straits. Foreign currency ran out in April, leading to food shortages, power cuts and protests that forced a prime minister to resign. Payment on $51 billion of debt to China, Japan and other foreign lenders was suspended.
Sri Lanka and other poor Asian countries welcome Chinese financing. The Asian Development Bank says the region needs to invest $1.7 trillion a year in infrastructure to keep economies growing. But some, including Sri Lankan critics of their governmentās spending, say Chinese-led projects cost too much or do too little for their economies.
China ranks third among Sri Lanka's creditors after Japan and the ADB and accounts for 10% of the debt, but Xiās government has an outsize potential to disrupt a settlement.
Beijing promised to āplay a positive roleā in talks with the International Monetary Fund on a possible emergency loan. China offered to lend more but balked at joining a process that might cut Sri Lankaās debt, possibly for fear other Belt and Road borrowers that owe tens of billions of dollars will demand the same relief.
āIf China gives a concession to Sri Lanka, it will have to give the same concession to other borrowers,ā said economist W.A. Wijewardena, a former deputy governor of the Sri Lankan central bank. āThey didnāt want to get into that trouble.ā
If China tries to avoid debt cuts, that might disrupt the IMF talks or prompt private sector creditors to hold out for more money, experts say.
Lack of cooperation by Beijing āwould complicate Sri Lankaās debt recovery journey,ā said Aditi Mittal of Verisk Maplecroft, a consulting firm, in an email.
The United States, Japan, the European Union and other governments also lend, but on a smaller scale. Many Belt and Road countries attract little nongovernment financing because they are deemed too risky or lack a legal framework for investment in infrastructure.
Some governments have run into smaller crises. Truck drivers in Kenya protested after their government imposed a fuel tax to pay for a Chinese-built railway the drivers complained would compete with them.
Others have canceled or scaled back projects. Malaysia scrapped a planned railway in 2019 as too expensive. Thailand renegotiated a high-speed railway following protests that too little work went to Thai companies.
China has restructured some debt. Ethiopia persuaded Beijing in 2018 to forgive some interest and stretch out repayment of a 10-year loan for a $4 billion railway to 30 years. That reduced annual payments but added two more decades of interest charges.
Chinese officials say Belt and Road projects are business ventures, not aid. Most lending is on commercial terms. Details often are secret.
Belt and Road rankles Washington, Moscow, Tokyo, New Delhi and other governments that grumble Beijing, the biggest trading partner for all of its neighbors, is trying to expand its influence and undercut theirs.
Opposition figures say while Sri Lanka needs China to reduce its debt, blame lies with leaders who built unrealistic projects that cannot pay for themselves while they failed to invest in economic development.
Foreign loans ābuilt highways, airports and convention halls in the jungles which didnāt give any returnsā in foreign currency, said a lawmaker, Kabir Hashim. āNow we donāt have the dollars to pay them back the dollar loans.ā
Critics cite a Chinese-built port in Hambantota in the southeast as a prime example of official recklessness.
It was built in the hometown of then-President Mahinda Rajapaksa and paid for with $1.1 billion in Chinese loans despite the plan having been rejected by an expert panel.
Its promoters said Hambantota, on busy Indian Ocean shipping routes, would ease the burden on Sri Lankaās main port in Colombo. But it failed to generate foreign revenue.
Beijing bailed out the port in 2017 by having a state-owned company, China Merchants Group, buy a 99-year lease for $1.1 billion. That includes land for an industrial park.
The deal gave Sri Lanka cash to repay Chinese banks but prompted accusations official bungling gave a foreign government control over part of the country.
Chinese loans also paid for an international airport near Hambantota. Few airlines use it.
The crisis reignited accusations Beijing used a ādebt trapā to gain influence over the country.
āThey knew we had no capacity to repay,ā said a legislator, Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe.
āWe must convince China to forgo at least part of the loans,ā said Rajapakshe. āOrdinary poor people, without one meal per day, are paying this debt now.ā
Sri Lanka owes $7 billion this year to Chinese banks and other lenders but suspended payment April 13 while it talks with the IMF. The government also owes $25 billion, or about half its total, to private sector bond investors.
A restructuring agreement with China or Japan would be a āpositive signalā for a recovery, wrote Mittal.
In a written response to questions, the Chinese foreign ministry said Beijing is ready to āplay a positive role in easing Sri Lankaās debt burdenā but gave no indication whether the amount owed might be reduced.
āChina is willing to support relevant financial institutions to negotiate with Sri Lanka,ā the ministry said.
In April, then-opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe told broadcaster Republic TV that China offered a $1 billion loan instead of reducing Sri Lankaās debt. That would allow the government to make payments, but the total owed would rise.
Wickremesinghe took over as prime minister on May 12 after Majapaksa, who in an earlier role as president built the Hambantota port, resigned.
Chinese Ambassador Qi Zhenhong told reporters April 25 that negotiating with the IMF would interfere with Beijingās loan offer. The IMF usually requires a borrower to work out a deal with all creditors to reduce debts.
China has avoided joining the London Club of government lenders, the forum for negotiating debt cuts.
The central bank governor warned that China and other creditors must accept the same terms.
āIt is not fair to treat one creditor differently to others," said Nandalal Weerasinghe. "Then the others wonāt come onboard.ā
Even if Beijing balks, Sri Lanka canāt afford to alienate China, its biggest potential lender and investor, said Wijewardena.
āSri Lanka is not in a position to say no,ā he said.
___
Pathi reported from New Delhi and McDonald from Beijing.