Why you should care about a reformed House of Lords

If we were to design an upper house of parliament from scratch today, what would the public reaction be to a proposal for one of 800 members, each with a job for life, chosen either by the sitting prime minister or by hereditary right? It would rightly be met with outrage and incredulity. Yet that is exactly what we have in the House of Lords at this very moment; a bloated second chamber of peers for life including 92 all-male hereditary Lords.

It is an embarrassing state for affairs for a modern democracy, which is why it is welcome news that Labour has outlined proposals to sweep away the current anachronistic Lords and replace it with an elected second chamber that better represents all parts of the country.

This looks set be the centrepiece of a wider overhaul of our politics which will devolve sweeping powers from Westminster to national, regional and local communities.

Labour’s intervention opens up a long overdue debate about how well our politics is working for the country. The recent dysfunction at Westminster, which has seen five prime ministers in the last six years, suggests our political structures are not in good working order. The Lords is a prominent part of that dysfunction, as it has become mired in a string of scandals in recent years.

With Boris Johnson and Liz Truss set to create yet more peers in their coming resignation honours lists, the second chamber is due to balloon even further in size, to over 800 members. This leaves the UK in the ignominious situation of having a majority unelected parliament, with peers outnumbering the 650 elected MPs.

With its arcane, undemocratic nature and string of scandals, the question prompted by Labour’s plan to abolish the Lords and replace it with an elected chamber is not so much why, but why has it taken so long?

Opponents of the proposals have not challenged the idea that the Lords is in pressing need of reform, but instead argue that this is not the time to be talking about the constitution, when the cost of living crisis and the state of the economy are at the forefront of people’s minds.

But the stark truth is that our politics creates our economics. What happens at Westminster determines how much money you take home every month, whether you can afford to live in a decent home and whether your area has reliable transport links.

As the primary house, the Commons will always be the engine room where legislation is forged and passed, but a reformed Lords can play an important role giving the whole of the UK a much stronger voice in those national debates.

It ties into the other half of Labour’s proposed reforms, which is to devolve significant powers away from Westminster to the national parliaments as well as regional and local government. Labour leader Keir Starmer has argued these reforms are needed because the country’s economic potential is being held back by Westminster hoarding power for itself.

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For the Lords to perform its new task of representing all parts of the UK, it needs to be truly representative of the country, which will only happen if its members are elected by proportional representation.

By that same token, Labour’s proposals also highlight the need to reform in the Commons as well. Labour’s project to bring politics closer to people will be incomplete if it fails to also replace the Westminster’s lopsided first past the post voting system with a proportional one so it too accurately reflects all parts of this country.

Starmer’s announcement has fired the starting pistol on the much-needed process of reforming our antiquated and creaking political system. For a century, Lords reform has been unfinished business. This time must be different.

The Lords began as an institution designed to protect ancient privilege of the aristocracy, before more recently morphing into a bloated private club for friends of prime ministers. Now is the time to finally make it fit for the democratic Britain of the 21st century and ensure it serves all the people of this country.

Dr Jess Garland is director of policy and research for the Electoral Reform Society